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After the embarassingly small turnout by Benazir Bhutto supporters on Friday, it's hard to see that there's any political leader around who could challenge the current President Pervez Musharraf. If that's true, it means that the country will be led by Musharraf, or will be displaced by a new army coup.
In Sunday's tense press conference, Musharraf announced the following:
Former Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto called for anti-Musharraf protests and demonstrations on Friday. She was prepared to lead these demonstrations, but army forces prevented her from leaving her home in Rawalpindi (near the capital, Islamabad). Only a few hundred supporters showed up to take part in the demonstrations, far fewer than the tens of thousands that she had called for, and far, far fewer than the hundreds of thousands who cheered her return from exile at Karachi airport on October 18. (That was the day she was almost killed by a suicide bomber.)
Bhutto is defiantly calling for more anti-Musharraf protests and demonstrations starting on Monday. She's described those planned demonstrations as a "long march" (reminiscent of Mao Zedong's "long march" in 1934), traveling from Lahore to Islamabad.
There is nothing in all this that gives a picture of stability. It's possible that the upcoming election will lead to a resolution of problems, but things are moving quickly, and there are many factors that can upset the applecart.
In Sunday's tense press conference, Musharraf claimed again that the imposition of martial law was not for his political gain, but for the sake of the country, a claim that I find to be credible, for reasons I gave last week. He described the declaration of the state of emergency as "the most difficult decision I have ever taken in my life," and added the following: "I could have preserved myself, but then it would have damaged the nation. I found myself between a rock and a hard surface. I have no personal ego and ambitions to guard. I have the national interest foremost." He voiced anger over the "aspersions" cast on his commitment to fighting Taliban and al-Qaeda militants, and his commitment to democracy.
However, while many Pakistanis support the decision for martial law, as shown by the lack of support so far for Bhutto, many others are infuriated by it, including many who are sympathetic to the the Taliban and al-Qaeda. So the possibility of more violence, including terrorist attacks and suicide bombings, is real.
In an attempt to get at least a basic understanding of what's going on in Pakistan, I've been studying the ethnic and geographic breakdown of the country.
The name "Pakistan" itself is a hybrid. It was formed in the 1930s from the name of the largest region, Balochistan, by removing the "Baloch" part, and replacing it with P for Punjab, A for Afghanistan, and K for Kashmir. A later interpretation of the name says that I is for Indus, S is for Sindh, and T is for Turkestan, leaving only the "AN" as the remains of the original name, Balochistan.
The official "correct" map of Pakistan, obtained from the Pakistan government web site, shows four major provinces. However, the story isn't complete unless you do something like what I did: I added the "FATA" regions in red. These regions, the Federally Administered Tribal Areas, are tribal areas in a strip of land between Pakistan and Afghanistan. They're considered part of Pakistan, sort of, but they're self-governing and not under the control of Pakistan, although Pakistan does provide administrative services.
Now, the FATA regions are quite important, because that's where you'll find, for example, the tribal region of Waziristan, where Osama bin Laden is supposedly hiding out, along with his merry band of throat-slashers. That's also where the training camps for the international terrorist movement are located. The London subway bombers were trained in Waziristan. The FATA regions are heavily populated by Taliban and al-Qaeda supporters, and they've become terrorist havens out of reach of either the coalition forces in Afghanistan or the Pakistan army.
Now let's look at the four major provinces:
Punjab was the epicenter of the 1947 genocidal bloodbath that occurred when Britain withdrew from the Indian subcontinent, partitioning it into (Muslim) Pakistan and (Hindu) India. The original plan of Partition was that everyone would stay put, but a huge war forced mass relocations of Muslim Punjabis from India to Pakistan, and mass relocations of Hindu Punjabis from Pakistan to India.
Today, 60 years have passed since Partition, and the generations of Partition survivors, who had vowed to never let anything like that happen again, are now gone, replaced by younger generation leaders with vestigial hatred of India, and demanding that all of Kashmir must become part of Pakistan. That's why Punjab is seething with anti-Musharraf and pro-terrorist resistance.
However, the demography of the province changed dramatically after 1947. Since Partition, millions of Urdu speaking Indians migrated into Pakistan, settling in all four provinces. These immigrants and their descendants are called Mohajirs or Muhajirs, from the Urdu word for "migrant."
The Mohajirs seem to have successfully assimilated themselves in most places, so much so that Urdu and English are the two official languages of Pakistan.
But assimilation did not occur in Sindh. As the relatively wealthy and well-educated Mohajirs poured into the Sindh in the 1950s, they gradually became dominant, in population, in government and business in the large cities of Karachi and Hyperabad. Displaced Sindhis moved into rural areas, creating a signifcant ethnic fault line.
There were violent Mohajir-Sindhi clashes in the 1970s, beginning when the language riots (Urdu versus Sindhi) broke out in Karachi in 1972.
Question: Who's the most prominent Mohajir in Pakistan today? Answer: Pervez Musharraf.
Question: Who's the most prominent Sindhi in Pakistan today? Answer: Benazir Bhutto.
The early Sindhi hero was none other than Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, Benazir's father. In 1966, Zulfikar created the Pakistan People's Party (PPP), which Benazir now heads.
Zulfikar was President of Pakistan when the language riots broke out in 1972. He set up a regime of job quotas in state jobs and admissions in state-owned education institutions: 60% rural and 40% urban. The purpose was to give educational and employment opportunities to Sindhi, who lived principally in rural areas.
This solved some problems, but exacerbated other conflicts. The quotas were supposed to have expired in 1983, but they've continued as a form of discrimination, and are still causing friction today.
In 1984, an Urdu-speaking student association formed a new political party, the Mohajir Qaumi Movement (MQM - Migrant National Movement). It quickly became extremely popular among Sindh Mohajirs.
In the 1990s, both PPP and MQM expanded into broader national movements. MQM changed its name to Muttahida Qaumi Movement (United National Movement). However, both are still centered mainly on their original respective Urdu-speaking and Sindhi-speaking constituencies.
Musharraf himself claims to be without political affiliation, although he's worked closely with MQM since his successful 1999 coup.
The Pakistan crisis was touched upon in the Sunday morning television news talk shows, but it's pretty clear that almost none of the journalists and politicians giving opinions have bothered to learn even the minimal amount about Pakistan that I learned in a few days of research and study.
But the opinion that Bhutto would "obviously" win is based on the huge outpouring -- hundreds of thousands of people -- who greeted Bhutto on her return from exile on October 18. Obviously, someone so popular is going to win the election. Right?
Well, it's more difficult than that. Bhutto arrived in Karachi, the heart of Sindhi population.
Contrast that to what happened on Friday, where only a few hundred supporters showed up for her protests and demonstrations. That was in Rawalpindi, just outside of Islamabad, in the heart of Urdu-speaking Punjab territory. On Tuesday she's planning her new "long march" from Lahore to Islamabad, also within Punjab. That's a high risk strategy for her.
It's far from clear that Bhutto has much substantial support outside of Sindh province, when people are forced to choose between her and Musharraf.
This is the kind of thing that Musharraf can sense viscerally, since he himself was a Partition survivor. That's one of the reasons for his implementing martial law, especially after the suicide bombing of Bhutto's party on October 18.
This fault line, in eastern Pakistan, is emotionally connected to the Pashtun groups that are harboring Osama bin Laden and Sunni Taliban and al-Qaeda groups in Northwest Frontier Province and the adjacent tribal areas, especially Waziristan.
Listening to the Sunday news talk shows, all I heard from pundits and politicians was how Musharraf was failing because he hadn't brought the terrorist violence in Waziristan under control. These people assume that suicide bombings were the only thing to worry about.
From Musharraf's point of view, a much bigger potential problem is that the Pashtuns and Punjabis will be so angered as to join in overthrow of the government, in order to establish a Sharia Sunni state. This would lead to an internal war with the Sindhis and Balochis, and to an external war with India.
This would also give the Sunni extremists control of Pakistan's nuclear weapons.
Sunday's Toronto Sun has a story about an 80-year old Pakistani-Canadian who, years ago, was a student fighting for independence of Pakistan:
For one Pakistani-Canadian living in Mississauga the present emergency in his homeland brings back memories of the country's past turmoil-- the mass migrations and mass killings that grimly greeted Pakistani independence in 1947.
Hasan Akhter Beg, 80, describes his life as having seen the history of Pakistan unfold in front of his eyes.
The Mississauga resident was a university student in his late teens and living in eastern Punjab when he watched the British Raj dissolve into India and Pakistan and erupt into religious violence between Hindus and Muslims.
"We lost so many lives trying to make (Pakistan) a place we would want to live," Beg said.
He travelled from the east on foot to western Punjab, what would become Pakistan, and witnessed the fighting first-hand.
"I saw so many kidnappings and killings," Beg said. "Oh my God, you can't imagine, what miseries with my own eyes ...you can't imagine."
To cope with all he saw he has written political poems about what he calls "the miseries of partition." Despite the chaos then, as now, life went on.
Beg was as a student worker in the independence movement. His job was to work for the election committee. He spent the next 40 years as a railway track engineer before coming to Canada in 1991.
Watching the current situation in Pakistan, Beg is troubled by the violence and unrest.
But, from the events he's seen, Beg feels that Pakistani President General Pervez Musharraf is on the right track.
His experience during partition fuels that view.
"I always tell my sons that our priority is not democracy," he said. "Our survival, our existence must come first."
Beg says the army is the only way to guarantee that survival.
"People are divided here (in Canada) but the majority are with Musharraf," he said.
The judiciary was interfering too much with the path of the country, Beg believes, and so Musharraf is justified in trying to maintain order.
"There should be fair elections- no doubt," he said. "But we don't want corrupt leaders in our country."
As protests mount and uncertainty continues, Beg hopes the country he helped forge will survive.
"I feel the work they did (during independence) is preserved," Beg said. "I hopes it stays that way."
This is the point of view held by people who survived the Partition and resulting genocide. It's less often the position of someone who was born after Partition.
From the point of view of Generational Dynamics, the result is inevitable. People in old generations die, and their wisdom dies with them. People in new generations are born, and they repeat the same forgotten mistakes that their forefathers made. A new genocidal war between India and Pakistan, between Muslims and Hindus, in the near future is 100% certain.
President Musharraf is under pressure from all sides, internally and externally. In his tense press conference on Sunday, he tried to "thread the needle" through policy decisions in a way that would keep everyone happy, without triggering an explosion.
In many ways, Pervez Musharraf is in the same boat as Ben Bernanke.
Both of these men realize that they're on the precipice of disaster
-- one in Pakistan, and one in global financial markets -- and both
are trying to prevent a disaster. But the best that either of them
can hope to do is postpone the disaster. Whether either or both of
them will be able to do even that in the next few weeks remains to be
seen.
(12-Nov-07)
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