I'd like to preface this post with a few solid examples that demonstrate in themselves why I have completely disaffiliated myself with anything approaching American conservatism:
http://washington.cbslocal.com/2012/...e-on-our-side/
“We will never have the elite, smart people on our side,” he said, “because they believe they should have the power to tell you what to do. So our colleges and universities, they’re not going to be on our side.”
- Rick Santorum
http://blogs.wsj.com/developments/20...-is-important/
Apparently speaking to his suburban, middle-class base, he struck a populist tone: “Those who, you know, live in high-rise apartment buildings writing for fancy newspapers in the middle of town after they ride the metro, who don’t understand that for most Americans the ability to buy a home, to have their own property, to have a sense of belonging is one of the greatest achievements of their life, and it makes them feel like they are good solid citizens,” he told the crowd.
- Newt Gingrich
- Ronald ReaganThis is the issue of this election: Whether we believe in our capacity for self-government or whether we abandon the American Revolution and confess that a little intellectual elite in a far-distant capital can plan our lives for us better than we can plan them ourselves.
I am fundamentally opposed to populism of any kind - be it economic or social, the rhetoric of the "oppressed majority" galls me in ways that almost manifest within me physically.
This, by rights, should place me firmly in the "conservative" camp in politics (setting aside the fact that I object to the phraseology of "conservatism" and "Tradition" altogether, as I reject both concepts thoroughly). I certainly would have been abjectly hostile to the populist tradition in American politics as embodied by e.g. William Jennings Bryan, the "Great Commoner", and would have happily voted as many times as possible for William McKinley in 1896.
Bryan was positioned firmly on the Left within the political framework of his day - and yet it is the Right today which galls me, and has ever since the sainted Ronnie Raygun delivered The Speech back in 1964.
Why is this?
An excerpt from the December 2008 edition of Taki's Magazine, on the intellectual relationship between H.L. Mencken and William Buckley, and of both to Friedrich Nietzsche (and of all of these to the idea of the Antichrist), might help to explain my feelings.
Before William F. Buckley settled on writing God and Man at Yale in 1951, the 25 year-old had something quite different in mind as a debut volume. Buckley planned, and may have begun drafting, a book caustically entitled Revolt Against the Masses, his full-frontal assault on New Soviet Man, as well as Mass Man, American-style, waiting to be born in his home country. The targets would have been the New Deal, central economic planning, and the regnant egalitarian thinking . Or at least, that’s how I imagine it. But I don’t think I’m too off the mark. As Jeffrey Hart relates, later in life Buckley would famously say that he’d rather be governed by the first two hundred names in the Boston phonebook than all the dons at Harvard; however, his instincts were never populist and were originally fast aristocratic. And, in my mind, Buckley started out in an intellectual place more interesting than where he ended up...There was, at one point in this country, a form of right-wing politics that was not conservative - it saw no point in retaining outmoded social forms and patterns of thought that were self-evident failures - and, moreover, quite comfortable in destroying the sorts of shucksters and Hucksters who have peddled e.g. the recent Duck Dynasty imbroglio as a means of convincing the Poor Oppressed Majority that they are, in fact, Oppressed - and consequentially, of course, in the Moral Right, as all those who are Oppressed are.The choice of the word “Right,” as opposed to “conservative,” is significant. For at the time, “conservative” lacked its current connotations and was generally a term of derision, synonymous with “backwards.” Moreover, the Old Right was composed of many former liberals and progressives: including Robert LaFollette, John T. Flynn, and, notably, Mencken and Nock. But most importantly, the Old Right was simply not “conservative,” strictly speaking, in that its leaders didn’t want to preserve or protect the status quo—to the contrary.
Mencken is an excellent example in this regard. He is, of course, most famous for his hilarious barbs against the rural and uncouth. Menckenisms like “booboisie,” “Bible Belt,” and “Monkey Trial” (the name Mencken gave to the 1925 legal proceedings against John Scopes for the teaching of evolution in Dayton county), have entered the vernacular. Someone like William Jennings Bryan, the evangelical prairie populist, would seem to embody most every aspect of Americana Mencken despised—a demagogue “animated by the ambition of a common man to get his hand upon the collar of his superiors, or failing that, to get his thumb into their eyes.”
But beyond sniping at philistines, Mencken pursued a much broader critique of American society, and of American political culture in particular. Mencken became notorious for calling Roosevelt a fraud and would-be dictator, while most of the rest of press was at his feet, but then Mencken had also opposed Herbert Hoover, as Rothbard describes it, for being a “pro-war Wilsonian and interventionist, the Food Czar of the [First World W]ar, the champion of Big Government, of high tariffs and business cartels, the pious moralist and apologist for Prohibition,” a president who “embod[ed] everything [he] abhorred in American life … conservative statism.” Terry Teachout has described Mencken as leading an American “adversary culture” before such a term had currency.
Speaking of Nietzsche, he recognized this phenomenon, named it and shamed it: he called it ressentiment. We see this at work in the hearts of posters on our very own forum, who have never met a cross they have not wanted to nail themselves upon.
(On The Genealogy of Morals, First Essay, Part Ten)The slave revolt in morality begins when ressentiment itself becomes creative and gives birth to values: the ressentiment of natures that are denied the true reaction, that of deeds, and compensate themselves with an imaginary revenge. While every noble morality develops from a triumphant affirmation of itself, slave morality from the outset says No to what is "outside," what is "different," what is "not itself"; and this No is its creative deed. This inversion of the value-positing eye—this need to direct one's view outward instead of back to oneself—is of the essence of ressentiment; in order to exist, slave morality always first needs a hostile external world; it needs, physiologically speaking, external stimuli in order to act at all—its action is fundamentally reaction.
I will never call myself 'conservative'. There is nothing worthy of conservation within the American political tradition. But, under alternative circumstances, I could easily see myself aligning with some form of right-wing politics - one that draws on Nietzsche, and Schopenhauer, and Mencken, and other intellectual leading lights like Julius Evola and Alain de Benoist. It would not be a Racist right - racism, like patriotism and religion, is a refuge for those who take pride in the abstract because they have no pride in themselves - but it would certainly acknowledge difference (Différance, even) and rejoice in it, rather than trying to level the sociocultural playing-field by appealing to the world culturally collectivist elements of the American electorate.
Or shall we be perpetually stuck with this?