You referenced a webpage about the battle of Malplaquet that is supposed to show that the WSS is a crisis war. How so? I quoted the first paragraph that said that this battle was special like the battle of the Somme and Verdun were special in that it was remembered long afterward for its horror. This is a direct comparison between the WSS and WW I in terms of the horror of battle--which it seems to me to be the same thing as "genocidal fury". Nowhere do you indicate why Malplaquet is somehow more genocidal than the Somme or Verdun.
I was comparing what I perceive as "genocidal fury" in the WSS as evidenced by the horrific battle of Malplaquet to what I see as equally horrific genocidal fury in the Battle of the Somme and Verdun. I wasn't comparing war deaths for the wars. If I focused on war deaths alone, the WSS is clearly a crisis war because it had the largest number of war dead of any European war of that age. But since it is NOT about war deaths as you keep saying and I fully understand, there must be something else about the WSS that makes it special.
One can separate WW I from WW II for the French into non-crisis and crisis wars, respectively, despite the greater "genocidal fury" in WW I than WW II (as experienced by the French) when you focus on the consequences of the wars. WW I settled nothing between the Germans and the French and had to be refought 20 years later. WW II did settle things, Germany and France became friends. Thus, WW II was far more consequential for France than WW I and so WW II is the crisis war.
One can use consequences to identify the WSS as a crisis war and the war of the league of Augsburg as not, because the latter war settled nothing and had to be refought as the WSS before a stable result could be obtained. That is, the WSS is a crisis war and Augsburg is not for the same reason WW II is a crisis war and WW I is not.
But when I apply this same thinking to the Iraq war, you slap me down. Iran and Iraq were long-term enemies before and after the Iran-Iraq war, just like France and Germany after WW I. After the current Iraq war, Iran and Iraq will likely be friends like France and Germany after WW II. In addition, a new de facto nation, Kurdistan, was created. Clearly the current Iraq war will have much larger consequences for Iraq than did the Iraq-Iran war, which changed nothing.
But here you ignore consequences (which is what makes WW II and the WSS crisis wars) in favor of genocidal fury by stating that unless whole villages of Iraqis slaughter each other it cannot be a crisis war. Yet nothing like that happened in other crisis wars--you simply throw it in because you do not want the current Iraq war to be considered a crisis war because you have already assigned crisis status to the Iran-Iraq war.
You emphasize different features of different wars to get the assignments you want. This is how it looks to me (and I suppose to your original critic). And you have never addressed this, instead getting testy with the original critic and calling me names.
That's not the issue. You continue to flog this non-issue instead of dealing with the real issue. The issue is you didn't show that the WSS was a crisis war. You just SAY it is, cited a webpage about a battle in the war with no additional commentary, and then call people names who question your assessment.Are you too stupid to understand that war deaths aren't the issue, after I've told you dozens of times? Of course not. You know it very well.
It's oracular because it seems that only you can assign crisis wars. There is no "GD for historians" because if several historians applied your methods they would get several results, with most and perhaps none agreeing with the "one true" answer that is obtained from the oracle.In another message you say that Generational Dynamics is too "oracular," by which you mean that Generational Dynamics uses allegedly "unobjective" evaluations,
Why can't you cite the relevant portions? You are making the case for that war being a crisis war--cite the portions of the article that make your case. Don't just give a reference and say that proves it, when the very first paragraph of the reference contradicts you. It's like that original post described. It's your theory--its not up to somebody else to prove your case. You originally asked why you got the criticism you referred to. Its the same criticism I gave and that Dave Krein gave and that just about any historian would give. You haven't proven your case that regular crisis wars exist. You SAY they do, but no evidence other than your own word is given.Go back to the Malplaquet web site that I referenced, and read through it for yourself to see why it was a crisis war. Hint: It's not about war deaths, except incidentally. And by the way, note that the web site gives reasons why your famous "War of the League of Augsburg" is a non-crisis war. I'll let you find it yourself, if you're capable of reading past the first paragraph.
You give a methodology that you say you used, but when I try to apply it and get different results than you do--you call me names. Is this what you do with all the users of your theories?
Are your books selling? Have any professional historians discussed your book Generational Dynamics for Historians with you? If not, then there is a good chance that Generational Dynamics is not for historians--at least not as they see it. There are several professional historians that post or have posted here. What is their opinion of GD?