The hypocrisy is unmistakable.
Less than two weeks after the House narrowly approved its version of the fiscal 2005 congressional budget resolution with rousing rhetoric calling for spending restraint, members overwhelmingly voted in favor of a transportation bill that would provide a significant increase in spending. The $275 billion called for in the legislation is greater than the $256 billion the White House says the president will approve, but the 357 to 65 vote is more than enough to override a veto.
Many of the House members who wailed so strenuously against higher spending during the budget resolution debate voted for the transportation bill.
Meanwhile, the Senate-passed version of this legislation calls for even more spending -- $318 billion.
This is the best example yet of the problem with the current budget debate in Washington. There is no agreement whatsoever about what "it," is -- that is, what is everyone trying to do. Is it deficit reduction, spending restraint, tax cuts or, as the vote on the transportation bill shows, meeting various national needs or priorities? Each of these is championed by different groups of representatives and senators. As the transportation debate shows, more than one are sometimes championed by the same members, even though the goals absolutely conflict with each other.
None of these goals has yet become commonly embraced, and certainly not accepted to the exclusion of the others. That's why the debate lurches back and forth depending on what is being discussed, and why some members of Congress vote and speak so inconsistently on the budget with a clear conscience.
It is also the main reason that, despite what seems like a great deal of interest in doing so, the federal budget process has not yet been changed. Since Congress doesn't know what to do on the budget, it is hard to figure out what procedural changes to implement to accomplish it.
This was evident at a hearing on the budget process held several weeks ago by the House Rules Committee's Subcommittee on Legislative and Budget Process <http://www.house.gov/rules/sub_lbp.htm>. (Full disclosure: I testified at that hearing). Subcommittee Chairwoman Deborah Price, R-Ohio, and Ranking Democrat Louis Slaughter, D-N.Y., both mentioned several times that Congress frequently talks about changing the budget process but never actually seems to get around to doing it.
The reason is that no one is sure what that "it" should be. If that agreement existed, changing the budget process to make it happen would be easy and would happen quickly.
But without that consensus, a new budget process is not merely hard to conceive -- it will also be close to impossible to implement successfully. A budget process designed to accomplish something that members haven't agreed to do, or haven't agreed to do as the process demands, is the political equivalent of trying to jam a square peg into a round hole -- it is almost certain to fail.
The best example of this is the Budget Enforcement Act <http://www.house.gov/rules/98-97.htm> -- the budget process put in place in 1990 to replace Gramm-Rudman-Hollings that is credited with being so successful. BEA didn't work well because it was skillfully designed; it worked well because there was a commonly accepted agreement that the deficit had to be reduced. That much-applauded process stopped working almost completely when the deficit turned into a surplus -- the commonly accepted problem it was designed to solve no longer existed, and the consensus about what should be accomplished fell apart.
If the agreed-upon problem embodied in BEA was reducing the national debt rather than the deficit, having a surplus would have made little or no difference. The budget goal and commitment to achieving it would have remained.
To a great extent, the consensus that fueled BEA's success has never been replaced. That is why all of the talk about budget process changes that Reps. Pryce and Slaughter mentioned is still premature at best.
Until a real accord develops, there will be a budget goal of the day rather than a new budget process.
That will make the daily debates over spending, taxes, deficits, debt and national priorities more like a schoolyard game. The person leading today's vote will set a goal and fight vociferously for it as if it is what everyone has agreed to do. He or she will then come up to the person managing the next bill and do the budget equivalent of saying "Tag... You get to decide what's 'it'."