Originally Posted by
Hannah Arendt
> This difference between the élite and the mob notwithstanding,
> there is no doubt that the élite was pleased whenever the
> underworld frightened respectable society into accepting it on
> equal footing. The members of the élite did not object at all to
> paying a price, the destruction of civilization, for the fun of
> seeing how those who had been excluded unjustly in the past forced
> their way into it. They were not particularly outraged at the
> monstrous forgeries in historiograhy of which all totalitarian
> regimes are guilty and which announce themselves clearly enough in
> totalitarian proppaganda. They had convinced themselves that
> traditional historiography was a forgery
> p. 333:
> in any case, since it had excluded the underprivileged and
> oppressed from the memory of mankind. Those who were rejected by
> their own time were usually forgotten by history, and insult added
> to injury had troubled al sensitive consciences ever since faith
> in a hereafter where the last would be the first disappeared.
> Injustices in the past as well as the present became intolerable
> when there was no longer any hope that th scales of justice
> eventually would be set right. Marx's great attempt to rewrite
> world history in terms of class struggles fascinated even those
> who did not believe in the correctness of his thesis, because of
> his original intention to find a device by which to force the
> destinies of those excluded from official history into the memory
> of posterity.
> The temporary alliance beween the élite and the mob rested largely
> on the genuine delight with which the former watched the latter
> destroy respectability. This could be achieved when the German
> steel barons were forced to deal with and to receive socially
> Hitler the housepainter and self-admitted former derelict, as it
> could be with the crude and vulgar forgeries perpetrated by the
> totalitarian movements in all fields of intellectual life inso far
> as they gather all the subterranean, nonrespectable elements of
> European history into one consisten picture. From this viewpoint
> it was rather gratifying to see that Bolshevism and Nazism began
> even to elinate those sources of their own deologies which had
> already won some recognition in accademic or other official
> quarters. not Marx's dialectical materialism, but the conspiracy
> of 300 families; not the pompous scientificality of Gobineau and
> Chamgerlain, but the "Protocols of the Elders of Zion"; not
> clericalism in Latin countries, but the backstairs literature
> about the Jesuits and the Freemasons became the inspiration for
> the rewriters of history. The object of the most varied and
> variable constructions was always to reveal official history as a
> joke, to demonstrate a sphere of secret influences of which the
> visible, traceable, and known historical reality was only the
> outward facade erected explicitly to fool the people.
> To this aversion of the intellectual élite for official
> historiography, to its conviction that history, which was a
> forgery anyway, might as well be the playground of crackpots, must
> be added the terrible, demoralizing fascination in the possibility
> that gigantic lie and monstrous falsehoods can eventually be
> established as unquestioned facts, that man may be free to change
> his own past at will, and that the difference beween truth and
> false hood may cease to be objective and become a mere matter of
> power and cliverness, of pressure and infinite repetition. Not
> Stalin's and Hitler's skill in the art of lying but the fact that
> they were able to organize the masses into a collective unit to
> back up their lies with impressive magnificence, exerted the
> fascination. Simple forgeries from the viewpoint of scholarship
> appeared to receive the sanction of history itself when the whole
> marching reality of the movements stood behind them and pretended
> to draw from them the necessary inspiration for action.
> p. 334
> The attraction which the totalitarian movements exert on the
> élite, so long as and wherever they have not seized power, has
> been perplexing because the patently vulgar and artibrary,
> positive doctrines of totalitarianism are more conspicuous to the
> outsider and mere observer than the general mood which pervades
> the pretotalitarian atmosphere. Thee doctrines were so much at
> variance with generally accepted intellectual, cultural, and moral
> standards that one could conlude that only an inherent,
> fundamental shortcoming of character in the intellectual, <i>"la
> trahison des clercs"</i> (J. Benda), or a perverse self-hatred of
> the spirit, accounted for the delight with which the élite
> accepted the "ideas" of the mob. What the spokesmen of humanism
> and liberalism usually overlook, in their bitter disappointment
> and their unfamiliarity with the more general experiences of the
> time, is that an atmosphere in which all tranditional values and
> propositions had evaporated (after the nineteenth-century
> ideologies had refuted each other and exhausted their vital
> appeal) in a sense made it easier to accept patently absurd
> propositions than the old truths which had become pious
> banalities, precisely because nobody could be expected to take
> the absurdities seriously. Vulgarity with its cynical dismissal
> of respected standards and accepted theories carried with it a
> frank admission of the worst and a disregard for all pretenses
> which were easily mistaken for courage and a new style of life.
> In the growing prevalence of mob attitudes and convictions --
> which were actually the attitudes and convictions of the
> bourgeoisie cleansed of hypocrisy -- those who traditionally hated
> the bourgeoisie and had voluntarily left respectable society saw
> only the lack of hypocrisy and respectablity, not the content
> itself. [59]
> Since the bourgeoisie claimed to be the guardian of Western
> traditions and confounded all moral issues by parading publicly
> virtues which it not only did not possess in private and business
> life, but actually held in contempt, it seem revolutionary to
> admit cruelty, disregard of human values, and general amorality,
> because this at least destroyed the duplicity of which the
> existing society seemed to rest. What a temptation to flaunt
> extreme attitudes in the hypocritical twilight of double moral
> standards, to wear publicly the mask of cruelty if everybody was
> patently inconsiderate and pretended to be gentle, to parade
> wickedness in a world, not of wickedness, but of meanness! The
> intellectual élite of the twenties who knew little of the earlier
> conections betgween mob and bour.. was certain that the old game
> of <i>épater le bourgeois</i> could be played to perfection if
> one started to shock society with an ironically exaggerated
> picture of its own behavior.
> [Footnote 59] The following passage by Rohm is typical of the
> feeling of almost the whole younger generation and not only of an
> élite: "Hypocrisy and Pharisaism rule. They are the most
> conspicuous characteristics of society today.... Nothing could be
> more lying than the so-called morals of society." These boys
> "don't find their way in the philistine world of bourgeois double
> morals and don't know any longer how to distinguish betwen truth
> and error" (<i>Die Geschichte eines Hochverraeters</i>, pp. 267
> and 269)....