From the 2 August 2001 number of the Washington Post, Mr. Robert Samuelson writes of "The Plundering Baby Boomers" and the inability to make choices by the same; quoted for educational use only:
Nothing better illustrates the politics of denial than Social Security and Medicare. President Bush wants to modernize both -- a worthy project that seems doomed to fail for many reasons. Here are three: (1) Bush's own blunder in considering changes for the two programs separately; (2) the unshakable partisanship of most Democrats, who will attack Bush for anything but an expansion of benefits; and (3) the steadfast unwillingness of most Americans to recognize that the aging of the baby boom generation will make Social Security and Medicare unaffordable, socially unjust, or both.
We need (as I have written before) to reinvent retirement to reflect the longer life expectancy and greater wealth of older Americans. People should phase out of work more slowly and pay more of the costs of their old age. Eligibility ages for Social Security and Medicare should be raised gradually to somewhere from 68 to 70. People should be given the right to buy into Medicare at age 65, with subsidies for the poor. Once they become eligible for Medicare, wealthier retirees should pay higher premiums. Similarly, Social Security benefits should be fully taxed and trimmed for wealthier retirees.
President Clinton should have championed these changes. His failure may have set Social Security and Medicare on automatic pilot -- their costs steadily increasing until some crisis occurs. Then, Congress might cut benefits or raise taxes abruptly; the first would be unfair to retirees, the second to workers. Let's review some numbers:
? By 2030, about 20 percent of the population will be 65 and older, up from 12 percent now. That's 70 million people, double the number today. Social Security's actuaries expect gains in life expectancy of almost two years. At age 65, life expectancy is now 16.3 years for men and 19.6 years for women.
? Lower birth rates mean slower labor-force growth and fewer workers to support each retiree. From 2010 to 2050, the labor force is projected to increase 0.3 percent annually, down from 2 percent between 1960 and 1989 and 1 percent from 1990 to 2009. By 2030, that would mean 2.1 workers per retiree compared with 3.4 today. (Workers' payroll taxes cover most Social Security costs; likewise, workers pay 87 percent of Medicare spending.)
? Because Medicare costs are rising faster than national income (gross domestic product) -- reflecting new health technologies and longer life expectancy -- the program already represents a growing share of federal spending. From 2001 to 2011, the Congressional Budget Office (CBO) expects annual costs to increase from $237 billion to $499 billion -- from 13 percent to 19 percent of federal spending.
? Enacting a Medicare prescription drug benefit -- without offsetting cuts -- would obviously add to spending. Over the decade 2002 to 2011, CBO estimates drug spending by Medicare recipients at nearly $1.5 trillion. Recipients, private insurance and other government programs now pay these costs.
We ought to be debating generational fairness: how to provide decent support for the old without overburdening younger workers with taxes. The young may have an obligation to protect the old; but the old also have an obligation not to plunder the young. The burden does not consist of Social Security alone. Or Medicare alone. What counts is the combined impact, along with other federal retirement programs. In 2000, Social Security and Medicare cost $622 billion and equaled 6.3 percent of GDP. The CBO expects that to reach almost 12 percent of GDP by 2030 -- without a drug benefit. The estimate is admittedly crude; still, it's almost an eighth of national income.
Bush hasn't spoken candidly about generational conflict. Instead, he's appointed a task force to consider "personal" investment accounts for Social Security; and he's undertaken a parallel effort aimed at "strengthening and improving" Medicare. By not linking Social Security and Medicare -- by not considering retirement programs as a coherent whole -- he sacrifices the possibility of a grand bargain. In exchange for a Medicare drug benefit, make changes that lighten the load of retirement programs. Higher eligibility ages. More cost sharing. Introduce changes slowly, but fast enough to blunt the spending on baby boomers.
There is no overriding purpose to Bush's approach. Predictably, the Social Security debate has degenerated into a confusing discussion of "trust funds" and rates of return (stocks vs. bonds). Bush's ambiguity may be calculated to find a generational balance without arousing fatal opposition. If so, the strategy seems a loser. Unless he succeeds at changing public opinion, any hint of cuts in Social Security or Medicare will trigger strident Democratic denunciations. Indeed, the Social Security commission's first report did just that. Given the evenly divided Congress and Republican insecurities, the political implications are clear. Only benefit increases (starting with a drug benefit) will stand a chance of passage. In isolation, that would worsen the long-term problem.
What Americans won't admit is that Social Security and Medicare no longer simply aid the needy. They also subsidize the retirement of millions of people who are fairly healthy and financially well off. The young are increasingly compelled to underwrite the vacations of the old. As baby boomers move into their sixties, this will become more widespread. Baby boomers will flaunt their youth and energy, and their huge numbers will make it even harder for politicians to discuss what everyone can plainly see.
At 55, I harbor no hostility toward baby boomers. But I believe that, as a generation, we have a responsibility to restrain our selfishness and to temper the burden on our children. Our generational political leaders have ignored that responsibility. Clinton evaded unpopular questions about retirement programs and exploited Social Security and Medicare for partisan advantage. Bush either doesn't understand the underlying problems or is timid in addressing them. The result is a country resolutely refusing to prepare for a visible and unavoidable future.
VKS:Bold mine. That Boomers who have been reared with the word "entitled" stamped on their ever fervid brows would do the right thing by other Generations coming along seems doubtful. When GenX complains it will be taken as whinging; only the Millennials might have the ability to make us see things sensibly or a good whack on the head by the Crisis. HTH